Service Access for Community Support: Filipino Immigrants in Canada

These barriers do not arise solely from individual reluctance; rather, they are shaped by intergenerational trauma—legacies of historical colonization, systemic inequality, migration-related family separation, and cultural adaptation stress. The influence of cultural values such as hiya, pakikisama, and utang na loob—while essential to Filipino identity—can also create unintentional obstacles to seeking help when these values are interpreted through a trauma lens (Colucci et al., 2015; Litam & Chan, 2020).

Statistics on Low Service Access & Barriers

The disparity in service use is well-documented. Immigrant youth in Canada use significantly fewer mental health services than their non-immigrant peers, even when controlling for mental health need, socio-economic status, and urban or rural location (Vang et al., 2017). Furthermore, while low-income non-immigrant youth often increase service use due to need, immigrant youth in similar socio-economic conditions use them far less—indicating that the issue is not purely financial but also rooted in social and cultural factors (Salami et al., 2019).

For Filipino communities specifically, global research indicates high levels of psychological distress but low formal help-seeking. Many individuals rely on family and close friends for emotional support rather than formal health systems, citing concerns over immigration status, a lack of health insurance coverage, linguistic challenges, and experiences of discrimination both in Canada and in other host countries (Colucci et al., 2015; Litam & Chan, 2020).

In the broader immigrant population, systemic challenges include language barriers, cultural stigma around mental health, limited cultural competence among providers, financial costs, and practical constraints such as transportation and childcare availability (Guruge et al., 2010; Wu et al., 2005). These barriers reinforce cycles where needs remain unmet, leading to more complex health and social issues over time.

Influence of Intergenerational Trauma via Cultural Values

Filipino migration stories are deeply intertwined with centuries of Spanish colonization, American occupation, Japanese wartime violence, and post-war economic dependence on overseas labor migration. These collective historical events have embedded a survival-oriented mindset that prioritizes family reputation, economic contribution, and group harmony over personal disclosure of vulnerability (Enriquez, 1992; Jocano, 1997).

When passed down across generations, this survival mindset interacts with three cornerstone Filipino values:

• Hiya (sense of propriety/shame) — Traditionally, hiya serves as an internal moral compass, promoting respectful behavior and accountability. However, under the influence of trauma, it can become fear-based silence, discouraging people from speaking about abuse, mental health issues, or financial hardship out of concern for family reputation (David et al., 2017).

• Pakikisama (social harmony) — At its best, pakikisama promotes cooperation, adaptability, and relationship maintenance. Yet, trauma can distort it into conflict avoidance at all costs, where individuals tolerate harmful dynamics to avoid disrupting harmony within family or community networks (Enriquez, 1992).

• Utang na Loob (debt of gratitude) — A healthy utang na loob reinforces mutual care and interdependence. But when trauma amplifies it, this value can produce emotional indebtedness, preventing people from setting boundaries with those who have supported them in the past—even when relationships become harmful (Jocano, 1997).

These distortions highlight the importance of not discarding cultural values, but instead reclaiming them in ways that promote well-being while maintaining their cultural significance.

Leveraging Kapwa and Bayanihan for Healthy Engagement

To address barriers rooted in intergenerational trauma, service providers can intentionally draw upon two cornerstone Filipino values—kapwa and bayanihan—which emphasize interconnectedness, mutual aid, and collective well-being. These values can act as cultural counterbalances to the trauma-shaped expressions of hiya, pakikisama, and utang na loob, helping restore their original, healthy intent.

• Kapwa (shared identity and interconnectedness) reflects the Filipino worldview that the self is inseparable from others. This value can reframe hiya by shifting the focus from fear of shame to mutual dignity—accessing services is not a personal failure but an act that honors one’s shared responsibility to family and community. For pakikisama, kapwa can promote authentic connection over conflict avoidance, encouraging respectful dialogue even when addressing uncomfortable truths. For utang na loob, kapwa helps situate reciprocity within mutual care rather than obligation, allowing boundaries to coexist with gratitude.

• Bayanihan (communal unity and cooperation) traditionally refers to neighbors physically helping one another in acts of collective effort. In modern service contexts, bayanihan can normalize help-seeking by framing it as a communal responsibility—when one person seeks help, the whole community benefits. For hiya, bayanihan transforms the act of seeking support into an example of community strength rather than individual weakness. For pakikisama, it creates space for collective problem-solving that values both harmony and honest communication. For utang na loob, bayanihan reframes reciprocity as a shared cycle of giving and receiving, reducing pressure to “repay” in ways that compromise well-being.

By integrating kapwa and bayanihan into service delivery, providers can reconnect these values to their strengths-based origins, helping Filipino immigrants view help-seeking as culturally aligned, socially responsible, and empowering—rather than as a source of stigma or burden.

Applying Kapwa & Bayanihan in Service Delivery

• Be present in community spaces — Attend Filipino cultural events, faith gatherings, and community meetings. Consistent presence builds trust and models kapwa by showing genuine investment in shared spaces (Enriquez, 1992).

• Engage peer ambassadors — Involve respected community members who can share personal stories of service use, reframing help-seeking as an act of bayanihan (Jocano, 1997).

• Frame services as family care — Use messaging that emphasizes protecting family relationships, ensuring children’s well-being, and safeguarding the next generation (David et al., 2017).

• Use group and family formats — Offer workshops, group sessions, and family-based interventions to normalize help-seeking within a collective context (Salami et al., 2019).

• Encourage reciprocity — Invite clients who have benefited to mentor or assist others, reinforcing the cycle of bayanihan (Jocano, 1997).

• Integrate cultural language and visuals — Use Filipino terms and imagery that evoke connection, compassion, and respect (kapwa, pagmamalasakit, paggalang) to foster cultural pride (Enriquez, 1992).

• Celebrate successes publicly — Share anonymized stories of positive outcomes to reduce hiya and inspire participation (David et al., 2017).

Filipino immigrants in Canada navigate a complex intersection of cultural pride, systemic barriers, and intergenerational trauma. While hiya, pakikisama, and utang na loob can become barriers under trauma’s influence, their positive expressions—paired with kapwa and bayanihan—can be powerful tools for engagement. Culturally aligned service delivery that honors these values can transform help-seeking from a private, stigmatized act into a collective expression of solidarity, resilience, and hope (Enriquez, 1992; Salami et al., 2019).

References

• Colucci, E., Minas, H., Szwarc, J., Guerra, C., & Paxton, G. (2015). Barriers and facilitators to the utilization of mental health services among young people of refugee background in Melbourne, Australia. Transcultural Psychiatry, 52(6), 766–790. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363461515571624

• David, E. J. R., Okazaki, S., & Saw, A. (2017). Bicultural self-efficacy among college students: Initial scale development and mental health correlates. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 64(3), 267–277. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000203

• Enriquez, V. G. (1992). From colonial to liberation psychology: The Philippine experience. University of the Philippines Press.

• Guruge, S., Sidani, S., Kazanjian, A., & Glazier, R. (2010). Utilization of health care services by Canadian immigrant women. Women & Health, 50(4), 325–347. https://doi.org/10.1080/03630242.2010.498750

• Jocano, F. L. (1997). Filipino value system: A cultural definition. Punlad Research House.

• Litam, S. D. A., & Chan, C. D. (2020). “I don’t see color, I just see people”: White supremacy and racial color-blindness in counselor education. Journal of Counselor Leadership and Advocacy, 7(1), 93–103. https://doi.org/10.1080/2326716X.2019.1707043

• Salami, B., Salma, J., & Hegadoren, K. (2019). Access and utilization of mental health services for immigrants and refugees: Perspectives of immigrant service providers. International Journal of Mental Health Nursing, 28(1), 152–161. https://doi.org/10.1111/inm.12512

• Statistics Canada. (2022). Census profile, 2021 Census of Population. Government of Canada. https://www12.statcan.gc.ca

• Vang, Z. M., Sigouin, J., Flenon, A., & Gagnon, A. (2017). Are immigrants healthier than native-born Canadians? A systematic review of the healthy immigrant effect in Canada. Ethnicity & Health, 22(3), 209–241. https://doi.org/10.1080/13557858.2016.1246518

• Wu, Z., Penning, M. J., & Schimmele, C. M. (2005). Immigrant status and unmet health care needs in Canada. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 96(5), 369–373. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF03405178